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ritish armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the western democracies had conquered.

　　
　　if no the soviet government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-communist germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the american and british zones, and will give the defeated germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the soviets and the western democracies. whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the liberated europe we fought to build up. nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
　　
　　the safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. it is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. twice in our own lifetime we have seen the united states, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. twice the united state has had to send several millions of its young men across the atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of europe, within the structure of the united nations and in accordance with our charter. that i feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
　　
　　in front of the iron curtain which lies across europe are other causes for anxiety. in italy the communist

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